While Hong Kong officials and their superiors in Beijing want to get the Umbrella Revolution off the world’s TV screens, protesters must know that time is not on their side.
Large crowds were expected on Wednesday and last night, both holidays in China.
However, many demonstrators will inevitably drift back to their offices and universities, and sympathy for the idealistic young core of protesters will be replaced by frustration with blocked roads and lost sales.
EASING FRUSTRATIONS OF the PEOPLE
The authorities, for their part, should not think it will be enough to simply wait out the demonstrators. The tens of thousands of Hong Kongers who have flooded the streets are expressing anger not only at China’s decision to restrict candidates for the city’s top political post in 2017.
They are driven also by frustrations over soaring inequality, unaffordable housing and a general sense that the local administration caters to the city’s tycoons rather than its struggling middle class.
A government that disregards these concerns will find its legitimacy under constant challenge.
At home, ironically, the Chinese regime seems to understand this perfectly well.
In recent years, Chinese leaders have sought to peacefully resolve most of the estimated 180,000 “mass incidents” (demonstrations involving more than 500 people) that take place on the mainland every year.
In most of these cases, of course, the protests have to do with local grievances and the ill deeds of petty officials. By showing themselves to be responsive, the higher-level authorities have enhanced the legitimacy and popularity of the Communist Party and central government.
In Hong Kong, in contrast, the activists are challenging decisions made by top Chinese leadership, in full view of the world.
China’s President Xi Jinping seems less inclined than his predecessors to pacify such opposition. He has made it clear that he believes a tougher leader — a “real man,” in his phrase — might have been able to prevent the collapse of the Soviet Union.
And Mr Xi has displayed no tolerance for criticism — whether from microbloggers or constitutional lawyers and professors.
Still, even if the party never admits its mistakes, it often tries to correct them.
In Hong Kong, a huge march in 2003 prompted the authorities to withdraw a draconian security law. In 2012, protests pushed the government to roll back plans to introduce pro-China “patriotic education” to local schools.
Mr Xi, who took power soon afterwards, reportedly disagreed with the latter decision.
However, he has not publicly ruled out replacing Hong Kong’s Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying, who is a focus of protesters’ ire.
Although that may not happen for a while, officials could find other ways to ease public frustration.
At the least, Mr Leung’s administration could commission an independent investigation into police use of tear gas and pepper spray over the weekend.
That action, more than anything else, infuriated ordinary Hong Kongers and the government has every reason to show concern for the feelings of this moderate majority.
Officials could also work harder to start a conversation on ways to improve the electoral system after 2017, including by making the legislature fully elected and the candidate-nominating committee more representative.
This falls far short of protesters’ demands, but would at least demonstrate some degree of flexibility.
Mr Xi is unlikely to push any of these measures on his own.
However, the Hong Kong tycoons who recently met the Chinese President should recognise that an uncompromising line will only fuel future tensions.
That will erode Hong Kong’s still-critical reputation for stability and the rule of law — and further alienate the Taiwanese, who are growing more wary of China’s embrace.
The possibility should give the authorities in Hong Kong and Beijing alike reason to see that the Umbrella Revolution ends well.